No Shame in My Game Term Papers

Public policy decisions regarding poverty and the working poor, while made by government agencies and officials, have their roots in the social sciences and the work done by social scientists. Without studies undertaken by Katherine S. Newman and her colleagues, how would Congress, HUD, the Social Security Administration, and the Department of Health and Human Services know who needs help and how to help them? The question that arises is this: should social scientists and other academics suggest, advocate or even write certain policy directions, or should they remain the true scientist, dispassionate and (as much as possible) objective? For Katherine S. Newman, the answer is the former. In her newest book, No Shame in My Game, she argues for very specific policy shifts regarding the working poor based on her limited study of a dozen subjects in Harlem over a year. She is right. The social scientist should suggest or even fight for public policy based on his or her studies, as long as the scientist addresses the pitfalls and possible problems associated with being an advocate. The public, or the policy-making agency, has a right to know the biases the social scientist may have and how any such prejudices influence his or her stand on policy. Even with this caveat, a social scientist can be a powerful force for social change.

Katherine S. Newman begins her book with her own personal experience. In search of a topic for an upcoming presentation, she finds herself stuck in the back of a cab in an early-morning traffic jam in Harlem. She is surprised to see so many people on their way to work. What she saw outside of the cab’s window didn’t match up with what she had expected in the dilapidated neighborhood that is 125th street Harlem. Even her work as a social scientist (having written three of her own books and no doubt reading countless studies by others) hadn’t allowed for this variable: the working poor. “I kept thinking that this place was a far cry from the jobless ghettos described in the literature on the ‘urban underclass,’” she writes in the Preface. “No one would confuse 125th street with Park Avenue. But it was hard to see how central Harlem could be mistaken for the complete wasteland my colleagues were describing either,” she concludes. She wonders if the reason this population has not appeared in the work of others has to do with geography alone, but she mostly dismisses this conclusion, instead putting the onus on the social scientists themselves and their “preoccupations”.

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